MikeLigalig.com

Samtang sa Zone Lambay, Brgy. Calawisan, Dakbayan sa Lapu-Lapu kagahapon sa kaadlawon, nasikop sa grupo ni Senior Inspector Jaime Tolentino, hepe sa Gun-ob Police Station 3 sila si Jerome Berame, 49; Carlo Martin Lubrain, 29; Ronel Berdin, 25; ug Clifford Henson, 24, nagpuyo sa maong dapit.

Matud ni Tolentino, 19 ka gagmay’ng putos sa gituohang shabu ang nasakmit gikan sa mga suspetsado, laing usa ka gamay’ng pakete sa shabu ang napalit gikan ni Berame nga maoy target sa operasyon. Matud pa nga si Berame nalakip sa top drug personality ubos sa hurisdiksyon sa Station 3.

Didto sa Brgy. Colawin sa lungsod sa Argao nadakpan sa buy-bust operation si Carisma Marquez, 35, samtang nakaikyas si Jojo Celada, taga-Bae, Sibonga nga giingong kauban niini sa maong ilegal nga negosyo.

Matud pa ni Police Officer 2 Glenn Besande, desk officer, ang duha ka suspek kuyog nga nakigsabot sa poseur-buyer apan nakabantay si Celada nga polis ilang kasabot ug dali kining midagan. Si Marquez wa makaporma ug daling nakuptan sa usa ka operatiba nga migukod niya.

Nasundan sa polis si Celada ug nakit-an kini nga may gilabay nga kalibre .38 nga revolver nga gikuha sa polis.

Si Marquez gikapkapan sa usa ka policewoman ug nakuhaan og unom ka pakete nga shabu, ug laing usa nga subject sa buy-bust, P200 nga buy-bust money ug drug paraphernalia. (BANAT NEWS)

Samtang si Toledo nakuhaan usab og pito ka medium size nga shabu, tulo ka gagmay nga pakete , P200 nga marked money ug P1,000 usab nga gituohan sa kapolisan nga halin sa gibaligya niining shabu.

Gibanabana sa kapolisan nga mokabat og sobra P700 mil ang drugas nga nasakmit sa maong operasyon.

Sa laing bahin, lima ka tawo ang nasikop sa pagpatuman sa search warrants kagahapon sa buntag nga gihimo sa mga sakop sa Criminal Investigation and Detection Group (CIDG) diha sa Spollarium St. Brgy. Duljo-Fatima, Dakbayan sa Sugbo.

Gipangulohan ang maong operasyon ni Senior Police Inspector Delfin Bontuyan nga miresulta sa pagkasikop kanila ni Nirvie Talma, 29; Rey Niones, 23; Junmark Enriquez, 29; Joy Cabrillo, 39; nga pulos taga Duljo Fatima ug John Rey Dacalus, 23, residente sa Brgy. Zapatera.

Sumala pa ni Bontuyan, kining lima naaktohan nila nga nagsuyop og ilegal nga drugas diha sa dapit dihang giimplimentar nila ang search warrant batok ni Nora Bacus.

Si Bacus wala diha sa ilang balay atol sa operasyon. Nakuha sa kapolisan ang usa ka dakong pakete nga gituohan nga shabu ug unom ka gagmay nga pakete ug drug paraphernalia ug armas diha sa balay ni Bacus.

Ang warrant gi-issue ni Executive Judge Soliver Peras sa Regional Trial Court (RTC) Branch 10.

Ang mga dinakpan natanggong karon sa CIDG-7 ug kasamtangan gipasakaan og kaso ngadto sa Cebu City Prosecutor’s Office.

Ni Romeo Limpangog, Sheriza Mae Uy, Christell Fatima Tudtud ug Bryner L. Diaz/ (Banat) | Updated April 3, 2016 - 12:00am


CEBU, Philippines - Trese ka mga lalaki ug babaye ang nadakpan sa managlahing anti-illegal drugs operations sa kapolisan dinhi sa lalawigan sa Sugbo nga niresulta usab sa pagkasikop sa usa nga mo-sideline usab pagpamugaw.

Si Police Officer 2 Jerome Millor sa Tabuelan Police Station miila sa nadakpan nga pusher nga  giingong nalambigit usab sa human trafficking mao si Ronald Figueroa, 44.

Matud pa ni Millor nga si Senior Inspector Christian Torres nga ilang hepe sa kapolisan sa maong lungsod maoy nangulo sa buy-bust operation ug napalitan kini og usa ka gamay nga pakete sa kantidad nga P300.

Si Millor miingon nga gawas sa drugas, mitanyag usab dayon ang suspek sa poseur buyer og babaye bugti sa P1,000. Ang suspek giposasan hinuon sa kapolisan.

Sa laing operasyon, nadakpan diha sa Dakbayan sa Danao ang duha ka gidudahang drug pusher nga sila si Felipe Naraga Calvo Jr., 24, ug Rey Mark Bariga Toledo, 26.

Matud pa ni   Police Officer 2 Ronald Gomez sa Danao City Police Station, ang team nga gipangulohan ni Police Officer 3 Fiel Restauro nakapalit og P200 nga shabu gikan sa mga suspek hinungdan sa pagkasikop sa duha.

Sa dihang girekisa ang duha, dugang tulo ka gamay nga pakete, unom ka mga medium size nga shabu ug P900 nga salapi nga gituohang halin niini ang ilang nasakmit.

Ah, pure joy...

Bwahaha! 

Boo ra man, walay peek....

He he...

HARI SREENIVASAN: Andrew Nathan, what about that idea, that even if this power is being centralized, this is perhaps the person that the United States or everyone else can deal with?

Do you see these kind of internal struggles actually facing â€" or creating a threat for him to lose power?

ANDREW NATHAN: Potentially, it does.

I think that â€" I agree with Chris that Xi was brought into power by the previous leadership because they needed a strong leader to confront all these of issues that I mentioned before, and he has been a strong leader.

But the trouble is, he’s responsible for the results. And a lot of the results have displeased people, including the slowdown of the economy. I think Chinese â€" other Chinese top leaders do not accept the idea that the economy slowdown is natural, necessary. Xi has said: Our economy is going to do great.

You had a clip from the premier saying this. And it’s not really doing that well. So, he gets the blame for that. As well, there is a lot of pushback against his foreign policy in Southeast Asia. And so he’s responsible for the results. And I think it’s â€" he has a hard job and it’s not easy to produce results that satisfy other people.

So, that’s where I think the criticism is coming from, especially from his demand that nobody can criticize him. That’s what this dust-up is about, his saying that others in the party, they have to shut up and take what I give them.

That’s where I think people are no longer willing to put up with it the way they did with Mao.

HARI SREENIVASAN: Christopher Johnson, is this par for the course?

CHRISTOPHER JOHNSON: You know, my own sense is that what we have to watch here is, there is going to be a major transition in the Politburo next fall. And Xi Jinping clearly has a very clear agenda as to what he wants to do that.

The key indicators of how powerful he is going to be are, will he follow the so-called rules that have been followed in the past with regard to age, and will he signal a succession, things like this? This will tell us a lot about how significant this pushback is, as Dr. Nathan suggested?

HARI SREENIVASAN: All right, Christopher Johnson, Andrew Nathan, thanks so much for joining us.

CHRISTOPHER JOHNSON: Thank you.

HARI SREENIVASAN: Andrew Nathan, does it matter if the letter was written â€" it was a homegrown letter vs. one that was sent from outside activists?

ANDREW NATHAN: Well, there are a number of different documents, but certainly it does matter.

If they’re just outside activists hacking these things onto Web sites inside China, then it’s a very clever operation, but it doesn’t signal a split in the leadership. What’s very dangerous, though, for the leadership is if there is a split and it comes out into the open. That then sends a signal to lots of people in China who are dissatisfied.

There are many people unhappy because the economy is slowing down and because people are losing jobs. Xi Jinping is attacking the state-owned enterprises to try to force them to be more efficient. He wants to reorganize the military. He has this big anti-corruption campaign.

So, we know there are a lot of people who are dissatisfied, but they’re afraid to do anything. But if they see a split in the leadership, which is what people saw back in 1989, when they view that split in the leadership, there is a real risk of social disorder in China.

So, it does matter a great deal whether these documents reflect a real split in the top leadership. I’m not talking about just ordinary party members.

HARI SREENIVASAN: Christopher Johnson, what about the idea that the centralizing of power that the president has been engaged in over the past several months is something of concern to people who have had that power taken away from them?

Is there increased pressure on him to give some of that power back?

CHRISTOPHER JOHNSON: Absolutely.

I mean, what we see with President Xi is a rapid centralization of power. He claims â€" or, you know, the body language is that he’s doing so because there are very difficult changes, and what happened during his predecessor’s tenure is that the government, the senior leadership, was overly consensus-oriented, and what that meant was that they couldn’t get anything done.

And these problems of the state-owned enterprises, of debt, of environmental degradation just piled up and piled up. Xi Jinping’s solution has been to centralize this power. But the real question is, is the centralization of the power a means to an end, an end we may all be able to live with in terms of some of these economic reforms they’re talking about, or an end in and of itself, and that he is indeed a power-mad megalomaniac like Mao Zedong, which I strongly doubt.

Andrew, I want to start with you.

How significant are these public letters, these internal dissents?

ANDREW NATHAN, Columbia University: I think they are very meaningful, because I think the key is that Xi is losing the support of the high levels of the Chinese Communist Party. They’re not willing to rally around him the way that they did in the Mao period.

It’s a more critical time. They’re more independent. He’s demanding absolute loyalty, and people are no longer willing to offer that.

HARI SREENIVASAN: Christopher Johnson, do you see this as a significant threat to the leadership of President Xi?

CHRISTOPHER JOHNSON, Center for Strategic and International Studies: I don’t. And I would actually strongly disagree with Dr. Nathan’s characterization of sort of elite support for Xi Jinping.

I think what is really important to focus on with these letters is, number one, their provenance. We have done some work here on CSIS, some forensic work, trying to figure out where these came from. And our sense is that they originated from outside of China.

So the notion that there is a core group of elite members of the Communist Party who are pushing back on Xi Jinping and asking him to step down just doesn’t seem to be the case.

I think the other thing to emphasize is that, historically, when we have looked at these issues, when there is elite fighting, the faction or the group, if you will, that leaks to the outside first, especially the Western media, is usually the one that is losing the fight and ends up losing the fight.

HARI SREENIVASAN: But Xi has also raised hackles with his crackdown on dissent. Last month, he visited state media organizations, warning that absolute loyalty to the party is their highest priority. That drew criticism from real estate magnate Ren Zhiqiang, among others, and his social media accounts were suspended.

This month, a government-run Web site posted a letter calling for Xi’s resignation. It was signed “Loyal Communist Party Members.”

Soon after, a number of people, including well-known columnist Jia Jia, went missing, apparently as part of an investigation into the letter’s origin. Protesters in Hong Kong demanded to know his whereabouts.

LEUNG KWOK-HUNG, Hong Kong Lawmaker: I think Xi Jinping stressed that China should be and will be ruled by law. But what happened in China after he is in power, he threatened, he arrests, and kidnapped all kinds of activists from different part of civic society. Journalists, lawyer, social worker are all in â€" on his target.

HARI SREENIVASAN: Columnist Jia has since been released.

We explore the internal divisions within China with Christopher Johnson. He had a two-decade career at the CIA, where he focused on China. He’s now at the Center for Strategic and International Studies. And Andrew Nathan is a professor at Columbia University. He’s the author and editor of many books, including “The Tiananmen Papers.”

March 31, 2016 at 6:30 PM EDT


Pressure has been mounting between the U.S. and China on issues ranging from Chinese military activity to reining in North Korea's nuclear efforts. But tensions are also rising within that country, due to economic instability and a crackdown on dissent. Christopher Johnson of the Center for Strategic and International Studies and Andrew Nathan of Columbia University join Hari Sreenivasan for more.


JUDY WOODRUFF: But, first, as tensions mount between the United States and China over a number of issues, tensions within China are also rising.

Hari Sreenivasan has the story.

HARI SREENIVASAN: For the Chinese leader, it’s a moment on the world stage, on issues ranging from the growing tensions over China’s military activity in the South China Sea, to Beijing’s ability to rein in North Korea’s nuclear efforts.

PRESIDENT XI JINPING, China (through interpreter): Especially, we want to enhance communication and coordination on the Korea nuclear issue and other regional and global issues, and to consolidate and expand our shared interests.

HARI SREENIVASAN: But Xi’s biggest challenge may be back home, where there are signs of growing discontent. Partly, it’s economic, a stock crash, sliding currency values and the weakest economic growth in a quarter-century.

Outwardly, at least, Xi’s government has remained upbeat.

LI KEQIANG, Premier, China (through interpreter): We are fully confident of China’s long-term economic growth. The economy will not suffer a hard landing.

Pyongyang has ordered every citizen in the capital to provide around 2 pounds of rice to the state’s supplies every month, while farmers are forced to hand over additional rations from their own meager crops to the military, South Korean newspaper Chosun Ilbo reported.

The comments from state media come amid reports of North Koreans hoarding their food supplies, according to The Telegraph. Kim Jong Un’s regime has been cracking down on open-air markets that have served as a source of additional food for city dwellers.

“Even if we give up our lives, we should continue to show our loyalty to our leader, Kim Jong Un, until the end of our lives,” the state-run newspaper wrote, calling for a “70-day campaign of loyalty.”

Much of North Korea’s population of 25 million is already hungry, but new sanctions, the most severe in 20 years, were approved by the UN Security Council after Pyongyang’s February nuclear weapons test and a recent long-range missile launch.

The sanctions will further cripple North Korean trade and squeeze Kim’s weapons programs. Under them, UN members are even barred from accepting the reclusive nation’s main exports of coal and iron ore.

But experts don’t expect Kim’s belligerence to stop just because the world shuns him. The latest message to the suffering people is yet another one of collective sacrifice.

But Kim, who at 33 walks with a cane and reportedly suffers from gout, won’t miss any meals. Last September, South Korea disclosed that Kim appeared to have added nearly 70 pounds to his 5-foot, 9-inch frame over the previous five years, reaching an estimated weight of 290 pounds.

Photos released over the past year have shown Kim Jong Un’s rapid weight gain. The secretive regime hasn’t said much about it, but South Korean analysts suspect he’s been under severe stress. Investigators also note that he reportedly developed a taste for Emmental cheese while he was a student in Switzerland years ago.



Kim Jong Un has put on an estimated 70 pounds within the last year.Photo: AFP/Getty Images

By Fox News
March 31, 2016 | 1:51pm



Kim Jong Un Photo: Reuters


Portly North Korean dictator Kim Jong Un, whose hostile actions have brought crippling international sanctions to his impoverished nation, has a new message for the Hermit Kingdom’s starving masses: Get ready to eat plant roots.

Kim, whose weight the South Korean government estimates has ballooned to nearly 300 pounds, signaled through state media that the nation could be headed for another famine like the one that killed an estimated 3.5 million people in the 1990s.

“The road to revolution is long and arduous,” an editorial in the state-run Rodong Sinmun newspaper said Monday, according to The Telegraph. “We may have to go on an arduous march, during which we will have to chew the roots of plants once again.”

“Arduous march” in North Korean is code for famine. It’s how state media described the disaster that struck when Kim was a mere teen, which experts say was brought on by the economic mismanagement of his father, Kim Jong Il, loss of foreign aid and natural disasters.

Aylandil da supir-emosyonal litil gil...

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=R08e0UfBlik

LINAGPANG NGA TURAGSOY (Grilled Mudfish in Soup)

What's In It?

2 pcs. (approx. 1.5-2 kgs.) mudfish, cleaned 
1 large piece (approx 1 kg) milkfish, cleaned
rock salt
6-8 pieces tomatoes
2 large onions, peeled
5 stalks onion leeks, sliced into 2" lengths
1/2 to 1 hand ginger, peeled and sliced into thin rounds
2 large red bell peppers
4-5 bird's eye chili
shrimp paste, to taste
2 liters drinking water

Kitchen Conjugations:

Season the mudfish and milkfish with salt then grill them over hot charcoal until juices run clear. Grill tomatoes and bell peppers until slightly wilted. 

Remove any charred portions from the fish', tomato and pepper skins. Slice bell peppers onto bite-size chunks. Cut the fish into smaller portions. Set aside.

In a small bowl, mash grilled tomatoes with the bird's eye chilies (if using).  Set aside.

Boil water over high heat.  Add in the sliced onions, ginger and bell pepper in a large saucepan and simmer for 5-10 minutes.  Add in fish slices, let boil then simmer for 10 to 15 minutes.

Season with the mashed tomato-chili mixture and bagoong or uyap,  Add green onions and/or leeks.
Let boil for about 1-2 minutes more, then check and adjust seasonings if needed.

Serve with rice. 

--------
Notes:

1. Local names:  Dalag/Turagsoy/Haluan (mudfish), Bangus (Milkfish), Alamang/Uyap (Shrimp paste), Labuyo (Bird's Eye chili)

2. Dalag is NOT hito (catfish).  Hito has a leaner body than dalag and has more bones making it less suitable for this dish (it is better crispy fried or grilled).   

3. The pictures above were taken when I cooked this dish yet without the recipe from my brother-in-law.  That explains why the tomatoes appear sliced/quartered in the picture instead of mashed.

4. Some recipes do not call for the tomatoes nor the bell peppers to be grilled. I think that's okay, but grilling the vegetables imparts more flavor and therefore adds dimension to the soup so I'd go with grilling the vegetables too.


http://annecooks.blogspot.com/

Turagsoy
Artist: Max Surban


Ginsag-a ko ang sapa-sapa,
Didto sa may talamnanan
Ang turagsoy nga akon nadakpan
Ginhimo ko nga linagpang.

Nag-abot ang mga bisita
Kabarkada ko sa inuman
Linagpang nga turagsoy
Amon ginsumsuman

Linagpang ko nga turagsoy
Sa sabaw nagalangoy-langoy
Ginlaktan pa gid sang ginamos
Pinamalhas gid kami sang higop

Ang siling sang nakatilaw
Sampat gid ang timplada mo

Linagpang nga turagsoy
Kanamit gid pro

Pagkatapos namon sang kaon
Linagpang ko nagbati
May nagadihal, nagasiyup-siyop
Kay ang bibig tama gid kahapdi

May nagatulo ang luha
Nga wala naman sing kasubo
Tungod sang turagsoy nga akon linagpang
Tama gid ka ka kahang.


http://www.songlyrics.com/

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=uCM20BPrmdY

http://annecooks.blogspot.com/

Nootropics (pronunciation: /noÊŠ.əˈtrÉ'páµ»ks/ noh-É™-trop-iks)â€"also called smart drugs and cognitive enhancersâ€"are drugs, supplements, or other substances that improve cognitive function, particularly executive functions, memory, creativity, or motivation, in healthy individuals. The use of cognition-enhancing drugs by healthy individuals in the absence of a medical indication is one of the most debated topics among neuroscientists, psychiatrists, and physicians which spans a number of issues, including the ethics and fairness of their use, concerns over adverse effects, and the diversion of prescription drugs for nonmedical uses, among others. Nonetheless, the international sales of cognition-enhancing supplements exceeded US$1 billion in 2015 and the global demand for these compounds is still growing rapidly. --Wiki

DAVAO. Duha ka lalaki nga Badjao nag-display sa ilang baligya nga sapatos nga mapalit sa barato nga presyo didto sa Freedom Park, Roxas Avenue, siyudad sa Davao, Martes, Marso 29, 2016. (Darryl S. Postrano)

There is probably some degree of truth to all three of these possible interpretations. And it is worthwhile debating what explains Aung San Suu Kyi's continued failure to stand up for the Rohingya, and what this tells us about her.

But in any interpretation, her failure is symptomatic of something much larger than herself: a social and political climate in Myanmar, riven for decades by armed conflict between ethnic groups, in which the nation's least powerful minority is vulnerable to not just hateful rhetoric but active ethnic cleansing.

Aung San Suu Kyi, whether she is a calculating politician or a canny mediator or personally hateful toward Rohingya, is a product of this climate.

It's easy to personalize entire countries, especially countries that don't get much coverage in the West, down to their most famous political figure. But even paramount leaders are products of their societies, not the other way around.

That's not an argument for absolving her of responsibility â€" quite the opposite; it goes to show how important it is that she try to change this climate â€" but rather a reminder that problems such as ethnic cleansing tend to go much deeper than the sorts of language a political leader uses in her interviews with the BBC.

In my trip to Myanmar, even in meetings with high-minded, Western-educated democracy activists â€" people who had sacrificed years of their lives fighting the military regime for civil rights â€" I heard, with disturbing frequency, people describe the Rohingya as untrustworthy foreigners who had to be controlled or expelled for the good of the nation.

This problem, in other words, is deeply rooted in Myanmar society, which is only just beginning to emerge from decades of military dictatorship, with all the paranoia and hard-line nationalism that brings.

And that naturally leads some observers to wonder whether Aung San Suu Kyi believes that she needs to take a please-nobody middle-ground position on the Rohingya issue; that it's only by indulging anti-Rohingya fears that Myanmar's Buddhists will consider her credible on the issue and thus heed her calls for calm.

Another common interpretation is that Aung San Suu Kyi has simply made a cold political calculation to avoid the Rohingya issue, which would be politically costly and distract from other issues such as reforming the country's economy and eroding the military's still-significant hold on power.

As a third possibility, many observers, with reason, suspect that she is simply personally unsympathetic or even hostile toward the Rohingya and their plight.

"I thought it was worth including in the book because it just feeds into the ambiguity of her position regarding this issue," Peter Popham, the journalist whose book reports this new quote, told the Telegraph.

"One has great admiration for her and her life story and courage, but nobody believes anymore that she is a person without any faults and without her own prejudices and limitations."

But the point is that her comment feeds into an entirely correct impression that Aung San Suu Kyi wants to lead Myanmar but is unwilling to stand up for the Rohingya who are its most vulnerable citizens.

Rohingya, of whom there are about a million in the country, are typically not even considered to be legal citizens of Myanmar. (The question I saw a Muslim reporter ask her in Yangon was over whether she would change this; her reply was vague but implied that she would not.) They are thus denied social services and legal recourse.

And throughout much of 2013, they were victims of mass killings and forced relocations, often abetted by local government and military officials that encourage the violence or decline to stop it. Many now live in camps or have attempted to flee the country as refugees, though the journey is dangerous and often deadly.

Anti-Rohingya violence and discrimination goes back decades in Myanmar; hostility toward Rohingya is pervasive. (While Western coverage often characterizes this as purely about religion, there are many non-Rohingya Muslims in the country, and they tend to be treated much better.)

At the risk of sounding like I am defending her (I am not), it's worth putting her comment in the context of how identity is discussed in her country versus in ours.

In British or American society, such a comment is considered unacceptable, both for reducing the BBC's Mishal Husain to her religion and for implying that being "interviewed by a Muslim" is different from being interviewed by any other kind of journalist.

In Myanmar, and in many countries where sectarian politics are more pronounced and discussed more openly, it is common to assume that people will act primarily as members of their ethnoreligious group.

Indeed, a journalist friend from Myanmar will often identify himself, in questions, as a member of the Karen ethnic minority, signaling that he is writing on behalf of Karen interests. I have seen, in Yangon, Aung San Suu Kyi questioned by a journalist who identified himself as Muslim and clearly considered that salient to his coverage and question.

That's not to condone this system, but rather to note that, within this context, Aung Sang Suu Kyi's comment becomes, while not more defensible, more comprehensible. She is accustomed to seeing journalists as representatives of their ethnoreligious communities, (wrongly) concluded that this explained Husain's questions on Rohingya, and chastised her staff for not preparing her.

As of October 2013, that was still two years off, but it seemed clear that Aung San Suu Kyi was becoming rapidly more important in her country's politics. So Husain, rightly, pressed Aung San Suu Kyi on a political challenge she was not handling well: acts of large-scale ethnic cleansing, often abetted or encouraged by government forces, against an ethnic minority known as the Rohingya, who are also Muslim.

For all her heroism in fighting for democracy in Myanmar, Aung San Suu Kyi has always been bad on this issue, decrying the violence but also refusing to acknowledge its scale or the government's role, often taking a baffling "both sides" stance. And she was rarely worse than in her interview with Husain, where she became defensive, downplayed the crisis, and appeared to put some blame on the victims:

That interview again made news on Friday, when British media reported that, according to a new book on Aung San Suu Kyi, she was so angered by the interview's focus on Rohingya that afterward she was heard muttering, presumably to an aide, "No one told me I was going to be interviewed by a Muslim."

The comment is being treated as further proof that Aung San Suu Kyi may not be the beacon of hope the world had thought her to be; that her weakness on the Rohingya crisis, in addition to being terrible in its own right, is symptomatic of larger problems with how she thinks about important issues of diversity and tolerance.

"No one told me I was going to be interviewed by a Muslim": Aung San Suu Kyi's Rohingya problem
Updated by Max Fisher on March 28, 2016, 9:00 a.m. ET
@Max_Fisher max@vox.com


In October 2013, one of the most celebrated political dissidents in the world sat down for an interview with BBC presenter Mishal Husain, and it didn't go great.

Aung San Suu Kyi was, at that point, still in the process of transitioning from a Nobel Peace Prizeâ€"winning political prisoner of Myanmar's military government â€" she was kept under house arrest until 2010 â€" to the country's de facto leader. After being freed as part of her country's opening, her political party won a number of seats in limited 2012 parliamentary elections.

Later, in November 2015, her political party would win a landslide in the country's first real elections in decades. While she herself is barred from becoming president, she picked a close ally and is widely considered the real power behind the newly democratic government.

The Kissing Stormtrooper

The Kissing Sailor

A railway system in Mindanao is long overdue.

http://qz.com/
WRITTEN BY Matt Phillips
March 23, 2016


It’s getting uglier. Fast.

Brazil’s urban unemployment rate surged to 8.2% in February, with the worsening economy standing as a bleak backdrop to the corruption scandal threatening to bring down the government of Brazilian President Dilma Rousseff. Last February, Brazil’s unemployment rate was 5.8%.

Of course, this isn’t a big surprise. The data out of Brazil has been terrible lately, with retail sales collapsing by roughly 10% in January, for example.

The World Bank estimates that Brazil’s economy will contract by 2.5% this year, which would be the worst forecast of any of the any nations tracked, if not for Brazil’s neighbor Venezuela. Venezuela is expected to contract by 4.8% in 2016, thanks to the collapse in oil prices.

Oscar prefers panties...

Try to participate in medical care

Because of new confidentiality laws, geriatric psychiatrists can't disclose information to families without their patient's permission.

"Many older people do give us that permission," says Dr. Streim. "If they don't, family members can always call me and let me know what they are seeing, and it is helpful when they do."

Don't take over a person's life

Buckwalter urges caregivers not to try to do things for older people that they can do for themselves.

"Doing things for a depressed person is often not helpful at all, because it reinforces their perception that they are worthless and incapable," she says.

Instead, help your elderly relative break tasks into steps and praise them for any efforts.

Recognize that depression is an illness

Family members should be aware of the disability that depression can cause and should avoid making depressed parents or relatives feel guilty by telling them to get out more or pull themselves up by the bootstraps.

"I have seen people so sick with their depression that they can't get out of bed," says Dr. Streim.

Don't impose your terminology

"For the person who says, 'No, I am not depressed,' I listen closely to what has changed in their life," says Dr. Streim.

For example, if a patient says she can't sleep, he uses that as a hook to discuss ideas about how to sleep better or longer.

"I don't say the words 'depression,' 'drugs,' or 'therapy' if an older adult doesn't buy into the idea that they need help," he says.

Look for subtle signs

"Older adults often say, 'I am not sad,' or 'I am not lonely,' because they don't want to be a burden on the family," says Dr. Streim.

"Instead, they show signs of distress by wringing their hands excessively, getting agitated or irritable, or having difficulty sitting still."

Talk about how they feel

If your father can no longer drive, offering to drive him around or pay for a taxi service won't necessarily soften the blow.

"The elderly are less likely to cope with loss as well as young people because of the added years of meaning behind it," says Kathleen Buckwalter, PhD, RN, professor of gerontological nursing at the University of Iowa.

Caregivers can help by recognizing its significance: "Ask your elderly parent what they feel about the loss. It's really important to hear them out and honor their emotions. Listening offers direct comfort and support."

Don't dismiss symptoms

Depression is not normal bereavement or stress.

"If your parent is not eating for more than a few days, or loses interest in activities that used to give her pleasure for more than two weeks, it could be depression," says Dr. Streim.

Depression in the Elderly: 7 Ways to Help
http://www.health.com/


Depression in older adults

Older people are at risk for depression, are underserved by the mental health profession, and have the highest rates of suicide in the country. But many seniors are resistant to treatment because they don't want to burden their families, or equate depression with weakness or even death.

"One of the hardest questions I get from families is, 'How can I get my elderly loved one mental health help when they don't want it?' " says Joel E. Streim, MD, professor of geriatric psychiatry at the University of Pennsylvania.

Here are some coping strategies.

Naay mga tawo nga bulahan apan depressed. Ako nga rabanit sigi lang tingsi. 


= rich but depressed

= Botoy, way nahot apan malipayon

He he...

AFP News
March 13, 2016


The leader of a southern Philippine gang behind the kidnapping of an Australian ex-soldier and an Irish priest was shot dead by security forces on Sunday, the military said.

Waning Abdusalam was killed after he resisted arrest by a combined military and police team in the strife-torn island of Mindanao, said military spokesman Major Filemon Tan.

The suspect was gunned down in the town of Naga in Zamboanga Sibugay province. He may have had links to the Abu Sayyaf, a Muslim extremist group known for kidnapping foreigners and Christians, said Tan.

The Abu Sayyaf, founded with seed money from Al-Qaeda founder Osama bin Laden, has been designated as a terrorist organisation by the United States. It has been blamed for the worst terror attacks in Philippine history.

He he, daghan jud ang mangulitawo kon maohon...

Walking way from the scene of the crime...

Ni KRIS C. SIALANA


PIKAS ang dalunggan sa biktima human kini gitigbas sa kainom niadtong Huwebes mga alas 10:00 sa gabii sa San Juan, Balingasag, Misamis Oriental.

Milandig sa Northern Mindanao Medical Center (NMMC) ning dakbayan ang biktima nga si Ruben Salon, 45 minyo nga lumulupyo sa nahisgutang dapit.

Sa impormasiyon gikan sa NMMC, nasayran nga nagtagay sa ilimnong makahubog ang biktima ug ang suspek nga nailang si Jonas Carion apan sa kalit lang gitigbas kini gamit ang sundang sa walay igong rason.

Nakurat na lamang kini gumikan kay wala man sila magkalalis apan nagtoo ang biktima nga gumikan sa ka lango na niini maoy hinungdan sa pagpanigbas.

Samtang nilanding usab sa susama nga tambalanan ang laing biktima nga si Cardo Calo, 60 nga taga San Miguel, Baungon Bukidnon human usab gitigbas sa kainom nga wala ikabutyag ang ngalan.

Sa saysay sa nag rescue nga mga tanod, nasayran nga nagkalalis ang duha kinsa nag-uban usab sa inom sa dihang na lango na. Giingong kalit nga gikuha sa suspek ang sanggot sa biktima ug gitigbas si Calo.

Nakaangkon og samad tinigbasan sa kamot ug likod ang biktima nga si Calo hinungdan nga dali kining gidala sa balay tambalanan.

Sa pagsulat niini nga balita ang mga biktima ang pabilin pa nga nagpaalim sa NMMC.


Gipatik sa mantalaang Superbalita Cagayan de Oro Marso 12, 2016.