Author Topic: Comparing and analyzing Philippine and Thai politics (Read 1979 times)

islander · « **on:** April 10, 2012, 08:27:32 PM »

i came across this 2009 article, which i find very interesting as it is incisive about our politics. and it's still current because nothing much has changed except the names and faces of our political leaders.

People's power and manipulated masses

By Ava Patricia C Avila and Simon Roughneen
Asia Times Online
http://www.atimes.com/

SINGAPORE - Chaos caused by red and yellow clad protestors in Thailand over the past few years must have evoked bittersweet memories for Philippine activists, who donned the same team colors when red pro- and yellow anti-regime protesters took to the streets and brought down Ferdinand Marcos' authoritarian government in 1986.

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islander · « **Reply #1 on:** April 10, 2012, 08:28:38 PM »

The Philippines and Thailand have often been cited for their close political parallels, with both home to thriving civil societies but with political power dominated by traditional political elites. Both are fragile democracies, with a history of political instability, that are trying to leave their martial law baggage behind.

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islander · « **Reply #2 on:** April 10, 2012, 10:56:12 PM »

In the past decade, citizen uprisings in each country led to the ouster of democratically elected populist leaders accused of corruption: Philippine president Joseph Estrada in 2001 and Thai prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra in 2006. Still, scholars often overlook comparisons between these two countries given that, as with any bilateral comparison, there are differences that can occlude the obvious similarities.

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islander · « **Reply #3 on:** April 10, 2012, 11:09:53 PM »

Thailand escaped colonialism under savvy, modernizing monarchs and has since evolved towards a military-influenced constitutional monarchy. In contrast the Philippines has been occupied by three foreign powers, and has tried, often in vain, to adhere to Western-style democracy since its independence in 1946.

(underscoring islander's)

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islander · « **Reply #4 on:** April 10, 2012, 11:11:50 PM »

The Philippines may have a presidential system and Thailand a parliamentary one; however both have similar powerful traditional elites who have established political institutions that are seen as protecting their interests over those of the broader electorate. The political class is unwilling to accommodate popular desire for change and hence feels its privileged position is under threat.

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islander · « **Reply #5 on:** April 10, 2012, 11:15:08 PM »

Transcendent trendsetters

Both the Thai monarchy and the Catholic Church in the Philippines act as moral arbiters in their respective domestic polities, while appearing above the partisan political fray.

Historically much influence has been vested in personalities. These are either established as de jure apolitical leaders, as in the case of the Thai king. Alternatively, in the case of Jaime Cardinal Sin in the Philippines, where church and state are legally separate, such a leadership role was attained by exerting moral and organizational leadership in the face of the massively corrupt and authoritarian Marcos regime.

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islander · « **Reply #6 on:** April 10, 2012, 11:16:11 PM »

Whether both institutions can maintain their historical influence going forward remains unclear. Concerns about King Bhumibol Adulyadej's health and succession questions could lead to a vacuum. The Philippine church, or perhaps the country writ large, has not produced a leader of similar standing to the late Cardinal Sin. Senior church figures now often speak at odds with one another when discussing social or political issues.

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islander · « **Reply #7 on:** April 10, 2012, 11:17:45 PM »

This opens the possibility that the military in both countries may move to take a far more active role in an effort to either support or change the status quo, as the tensions between the status quo and the popular desire for change is perhaps now the key to understanding politics in both countries.

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islander · « **Reply #8 on:** April 10, 2012, 11:18:59 PM »

These tensions are especially evident in Thailand. After only six months in office, Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjavjiva has faced similar street protests to those that helped catapult him to power, with Thaksin exhorting his red-clad supporters to launch a popular revolt. While there are personality issues at play, the unresolved issues that have divided the country between the yellow shirts of the People's Alliance for Democracy (PAD) and the red shirts of Thaksin's followers under the United Front for Democracy Against Dictatorship (UDD) are also important to understand.

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islander · « **Reply #9 on:** April 10, 2012, 11:27:59 PM »

Even while in exile, former Thai prime minister Thaksin continues to hold the fealty of his supporters through video messages and rallies, reminding them of the perceived benefits his premiership and policies brought to his rural supporters. The promise the poor see in â€œpeople powerâ€ movements in the Philippines and Thailand has often been ridiculed as the attempt of an unruly mob to impose the arrogant demands of the minority over the will of the majority.

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islander · « **Reply #10 on:** April 10, 2012, 11:58:24 PM »

Even supporters have questioned democratization by mob as having the opposite effect. Predictably, perhaps, the outcome has often been military intervention in the name of political stability. The middle class, who at times support and other times spurn the movement, can be swayed to see people power as acting against their interests by creating disorder, as was the case in April after the UDD riots in Bangkok.

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islander · « **Reply #11 on:** April 10, 2012, 11:59:48 PM »

Order has for now been restored in Bangkok through force of arms, but the loyalists of Thaksin melted away vowing that those who run away live to fight another day - and the seriously disquieting specter of an underground and potentially violent resistance to the government has begun to rise.*

*this article was written in 2009.

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islander · « **Reply #12 on:** April 11, 2012, 12:03:28 AM »

Evolving elites

In both countries real power is concentrated in political elites. Thailand draws from the monarchy, military and urban middle class, who use sectoral political parties to protect their positions. They were already entrenched and equipped with ample resources ready for electoral competition when democratic institutions were first introduced. In the Philippines, political power is in the hands of family dynasties, created from the wealth gained through access to political power.

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islander · « **Reply #13 on:** April 11, 2012, 12:05:23 AM »

Political parties in both countries are merely tools for advancing those interests and political competition is less about ideology than it is various dynasties attempting to regain or retain access to political power. A tool to measure the differences between the two countries is not important; the outcome is the same in both. The vast majority of the population is either totally frozen out of the system or has little opportunity to influence politics or policy.

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islander · « **Reply #14 on:** April 11, 2012, 12:06:39 AM »

That disenfranchisement eventually leads to mass movements. The people power movement and Thaksin's various political parties temporarily changed this dynamic. However neither has to date offered substantive long-term change. The entrenched elites retain legal tools embedded in years of organizational experience. President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo's current attempt to retain power by amending the Philippine constitution is a prime example of undermining or reversing the demands of popular protest.

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islander · « **Reply #15 on:** April 11, 2012, 12:07:55 AM »

Conversely, economic growth and development in Thailand has added momentum to those seeking to challenge the old-school elites and some of the political changes sought are perhaps the outcome of rising living standards. The Philippines may lag in this regard, and any effective challenge to the existing order may require a broader, more nationwide middle class, and the emergence of a somewhat disenfranchised nouveau riche.

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islander · « **Reply #16 on:** April 11, 2012, 12:10:22 AM »

Perhaps key for both countries is whether the moral authority held by the king and church can hold their nations together during these challenging times. Conservative institutions may end up as a bulwark for stability in both countries, given that anti-democratic forces can hijack mass movements for exclusive ends.

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islander · « **Reply #17 on:** April 11, 2012, 12:11:10 AM »

The monarchy in Thailand is by law non-partisan, but long-term political survival is difficult without the broad institution's tacit backing - as Thaksin found out. The palace has been perceived by some as supportive of the PAD, which has mobilized royal symbolism in its street campaigns. But that analysis assumes a monolithic or static royal institution, which history shows clearly is seldom the case.

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islander · « **Reply #18 on:** April 11, 2012, 12:14:09 AM »

Meanwhile, the church in the Philippines is divided when it comes to political issues, with the usually vocal Catholic Bishops Conference of the Philippines, which was highly-critical of presidents Fidel Ramos and Joseph Estrada, failing to make any official statement about the Arroyo government's corruption.

Individual priests and bishops have spoken out, but have not generated sufficient critical mass to sway either the rest of the hierarchy, some of whom are confirmed Arroyo allies, or to get enough feet on the street to generate a third people's power movement in response to Arroyo's attempt to potentially subvert the Philippine constitution and perpetuate her elite rule.

Ava Patricia C Avila is a Research Analyst at the S Rajaratnam School of International Studies, Nanyang Technological University. Simon Roughneen is a journalist currently based in Southeast Asia.

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islander · « **Reply #19 on:** April 11, 2012, 12:33:58 AM »

in summary:

political power (aka elected officials) in the philippines, like thailand...

1. Has powerful traditional elites who have established political institutions that are seen as protecting their interests over those of the broader electorate

2. The political class is unwilling to accommodate popular desire for change and hence feels its privileged position is under threat

3. The promise the poor see in â€œpeople powerâ€ movements in the two countries has often been ridiculed as the attempt of an unruly mob to impose the arrogant demands of the minority over the will of the majority

4. Political parties in both countries are merely tools for advancing those interests

5. Political competition is less about ideology than it is various dynasties attempting to regain or retain access to political power

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islander · « **Reply #20 on:** April 11, 2012, 12:35:23 AM »

6. The vast majority of the population is either totally frozen out of the system or has little opportunity to influence politics or policy

7. The Philippines lags (in economic growth compared to Thailand) and any effective challenge to the existing order may require a broader, more nationwide middle class, and the emergence of a somewhat disenfranchised nouveau riche

8. Anti-democratic forces can hijack mass movements for exclusive ends

9. [The Catholic church] failed to make any official statement about the Arroyo government's corruption

10. Arroyo was perceived to have attempted to potentially subvert the Philippine constitution and perpetuate her elite rule

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islander · « **Reply #21 on:** April 11, 2012, 12:54:40 AM »

now we know why we keep voting for the same family names; they're either fathers, mothers, husbands, wives, sons, daughters and siblings. and now we know why legislators never attempted to come up with an enabling law for article II, section 26 of the 1987 philippine constitution (The State shall guarantee equal access to opportunities for public service, and prohibit political dynasties as may be defined by law). congress never did define political dynasties by law.

Many have called for the Congress to pass the Anti-Dynasty Law, but this bill has been passed over by each Congress since 1987. (wikipedia)

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Lorenzo · « **Reply #22 on:** April 11, 2012, 01:28:25 AM »

To add to this great thread, I would like to give my opinion:

It also disgusts me how politicians pay for votes and actively give out money for every single voter. When i was in Valencia in July 2010, I overheard my cousins, my ninongs and my Titos talk about how much the candidates paid for votes and compared their amounts. I immediately asked them, "So, ang mga politicians diri , mo hatag diay ni sila ug kwarta sa mga constituents sa atong lungsod?"

Ning respond ahong usang Tito, "Oo, Doy. Ing ana man jud ang system diri sa Pilipinas. Dili lang sa Valencia, pero, sa tibuok Bohol og sa Pilipinas". I was very disheartened to hear this and was very disgusted.

Philippines is not a democracy, but a oligarchy. Politicians are not elected based on their merit, but on how much money they have to bribe the poor people. And it saddened me because when I was driving around Valencia, around the poor areas and in the bukid region, I can see why some of our people would accept the bribes. 200 , 300, 500, 700 pesos that these politicians give to the people can buy food for the people. It disgusts me how the "political dynasties" maintain their power base. Either through monetary use or through goons.

I hope that in the future, this corrupt system will end. If it even is possible..

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Lorenzo · « **Reply #23 on:** April 11, 2012, 01:37:42 AM »

Addendum:

I believe that the DILG should be reported on these nefarious political practice of "revenge" against political opponents. And I believe that DILG Provincial Office in Bohol should deal with thes unlawful practices by certain mayors. It is not right, it is unlawful and an example of abuse of power.

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Lorenzo · « **Reply #24 on:** April 11, 2012, 01:48:56 AM »

6. The vast majority of the population is either totally frozen out of the system or has little opportunity to influence politics or policy

7. The Philippines lags (in economic growth compared to Thailand) and any effective challenge to the existing order may require a broader, more nationwide middle class, and the emergence of a somewhat disenfranchised nouveau riche

8. Anti-democratic forces can hijack mass movements for exclusive ends

9. [The Catholic church] failed to make any official statement about the Arroyo government's corruption

10. Arroyo was perceived to have attempted to potentially subvert the Philippine constitution and perpetuate her elite rule

At first (back in 2007, 2008), I thought that GMA was a good president, but the more I read about her, I realized that she was , indeed, very corrupt. It is almost ironic that she was jettisoned to power by the people's power that replaced Estrada (who was claimed to be corrupt), but then , in the end, she herself became corrupt.

Also, extrajudicial killings were so rampant under her administration. The Ampatuan Clan were her old time political allies in Mindanao.

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islander · « **Reply #25 on:** April 11, 2012, 01:49:37 AM »

Philippines is not a democracy, but a oligarchy. Politicians are not elected based on their merit, but on how much money they have to bribe the poor people.

sadly, yes, and too bad the oligarchs enrich themselves while in office. personally, i never understood why people can't simply accept the money, if they must, and still vote for their choice, which could be the opposing side.

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islander · « **Reply #26 on:** April 11, 2012, 01:50:31 AM »

Philippine political dynasties:

Aquino, Binay, Cayetano, Cojuangco, Dominguez, Escudero, Estrada (aka Ejercito), Lacson, Lopez- Romualdez, Marcos, Macapagal, Rama, Revilla, Roxas, Rufino, Ty, Villarreal

Bohol version, offhand (note: meaning with more than one family member in politics, past or current. for those in the know, please add):

Borja, Cajes, Chatto, Imboy, Jala, Lim, Relampagos, Tirol, Torralba

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Lorenzo · « **Reply #27 on:** April 11, 2012, 01:53:09 AM »

Philippine political dynasties:

Aquino, Binay, Cayetano, Cojuangco, Dominguez, Escudero, Estrada (aka Ejercito), Lacson, Lopez- Romualdez, Marcos, Macapagal, Rama, Revilla, Roxas, Rufino, Ty, Villarreal

Bohol version, offhand (note: meaning with more than one family member in politics, past or current. for those in the know, please add):

Borja, Cajes, Chatto, Imboy, Jala, Lim, Relampagos, Tirol, Torralba

I know Tito Eddie (Tagbilaran City Councilor Edward Borja), he is a good guy. He used to work with my Mommy Wella (DILG Bohol Provincial Director)

I know that Tirol are also good people, they are also one of the founding families that started UB (University of Bohol). Was not a Tirol the Vice-Governor of Bohol some time ago?

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Lorenzo · « **Reply #28 on:** April 11, 2012, 01:53:52 AM »

sadly, yes, and too bad the oligarchs enrich themselves while in office. personally, i never understood why people can't simply accept the money, if they must, and still vote for their choice, which could be the opposing side.

Some people do that.

As I was told by another fellow Valencianhon.

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Lorenzo · « **Reply #29 on:** April 11, 2012, 01:56:17 AM »

In Valencia there are 2 Lim Families. Both of them are at odds with each other.

The family of former-Mayor Dr. Plinio Lim are not in the same side with former-Mayor (now Vice Governor) Dr. Concepcion Lim.

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islander · « **Reply #30 on:** April 11, 2012, 02:06:27 AM »

it looks like there are just too many lims everywhere.

the lim on the 'list' is tagbilaran-based, as in dan lim whose nephew is a current councilor who wants to run for mayor but his uncle the current mayor prefers his own brother to take over. uh-huh. i don't know if they're related to aleckoy lim of bohol standard who happens to be a foe of dan lim. so is it with the lims in valencia. well, if we're not satisfied with their politics, we might as well be entertained.

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islander · « **Reply #31 on:** April 11, 2012, 02:07:36 AM »

Some people do that.

As I was told by another fellow Valencianhon.

wise voters.

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Lorenzo · « **Reply #32 on:** April 11, 2012, 02:08:01 AM »

hahaha! ning katawa ko when i found out that tagbilaran's city mayor is a 'lim'. he doesn't even look chinese!

he looks more natibo pilipino, doesn't even have chinese features.

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islander · « **Reply #33 on:** April 11, 2012, 02:13:24 AM »

some of his siblings look chinese (i must admit i don't really know them). the mayor himself has a hint of chinese-ness, or so it seems. does concepcion lim look chinese?

got to go. goodnight/good morning, lorenz. till tomorrow...

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Lorenzo · « **Reply #34 on:** April 11, 2012, 02:15:07 AM »

wise voters.

That's what I would do.

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Lorenzo · « **Reply #35 on:** April 11, 2012, 02:16:13 AM »

good night isles. till tomorrow, sweety.

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