Author Topic: Colonialism, Social Structure and Nationalism  (Read 836 times)

Lorenzo

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Colonialism, Social Structure and Nationalism
« on: October 06, 2007, 11:50:13 PM »
Filipinos justifiably take pride int he fact that their nationalistic and revolutionary traditions are the oldest in south east asia, particulary from the standpoint of overt systematic efforts designed to expel the colonial rulers and attain independence. Thus the fact that there has been a resurgence of Philippine nationalism during the past decade in one sense should not have been unexpected in view of its relatively  long history. Nonetheless, because of the pragmatic and moderate nature of the nationalism prior to the 1960s, many observers of the Philippine political scene were surprised both by the rapidity in which resurgence ocurred and by the extent to which it came to reflect the impact of radical interpretations of Philippine society generally and of the Philippine-American relations specifically.

Yet the nationalist movement undoubtedly would have developed even more rapidly and more radically than it has, but for the fact that a number of fundamental issues divided the ranks of its adherents in the 1960s. We need to describe the nature of those divisions by examining the social dynamics underlying the nationalist revival in the Philippines. We also need to focus on the principal societal sectors and groups involved in the nationalist movement, with emphasis on the factors that have hampered their efforts to achieve unity, both internally and externally.

Philippine nationalism reached unprecedented heights of intensity during the last years of Spanish control, as manifested in the revolutionary movement in teh late 1890s, and remained strong throughout the American occupation. After World War II, however, it declined considerably as a political factor. In part the decline can be attributed to the impact of the war, which compelled Fiilpinos to contrast the treatment they recieved from the Japanese and the Americans. More positively, the comparatively benign American colonial policy, at least was contrasted with that of Spain, had served to win Filipino loyalty and gratitude. Additionally, it was only natural for nationalistic sentiment to die down after the Philippines gained its independence in 1946.

The revival of nationalism following the relatively quiescent period of the 1950s is the result primarily of the emergence of the new generation of Filipinos. This generation, since it did not mature during the American period, has a background and outlook quite different from those of its predecessors. These differences have been reflected in the rise of new issues that dominate the concerns of nationalists, perhaps the chief one being an intense and emotional search for a national identity. This takes the form of a desire for closer ties with Asians; coversely, it is manifested by growth of so called 'Anti-Americanism', which is amed not only at gaining economic as well as political independence but also at demonstrating to Asian nations that the Philippines is not the American puppet that somet think it is. Finally, the resurgent Filipino nationalism can be explained by the improvement in economic conditions of the Philippines since WWII, Moro Wars, 97 financial crisis, which in turn has helped lessen the extent of the country's economic dependence upon the United States.

The nature and significance of thse changes first became clear insofar as their political implications were concerned, during the period from mid 1964 to mid 1965, at which time a series of unprecedented anti-American demonstrations occurred. The intensity of the nationalistic feeling that ensued shook the previously complacent American assumption that the "special relationship" between the two countries would continue indefinitely with minimum friction. The events that took place during the mid 1960s were not the usual incidents or irritants of sonly limited import; not only did they occur within the three most sensitiev areas of contact between the two countries- trade, investment and military relations-but their cumulative impact further magnified their reprecussions. One result was that the potential support for nationalism on the part of certain key sectors of the urban Filipino society (labor, business, students and intellectuals) for perhaps the first time was activated simultaneously on behalf of the nationalist cause.

***To be continuedr***

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Lorenzo

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Re: Colonialism, Social Structure and Nationalism
« Reply #1 on: October 09, 2007, 11:17:45 AM »
Since 1965 it has been clear that the future course of Filipino nationalism depends chiefly on the support of these groups and on the degree of unity that they can achieve, both internally and among themselves. Insofar as strategy is concerned, the main point  of disagreement involves the issue of whether to work within the existing political system in the struggle for reform, or to attempt to alter the system itself as part of the struggle. Adherents of the former position will be termed pragmatic or moderate nationalists and those of the latter, ideological or radical nationalists.

But even for those in favor of altering the political system--on the ground that is dominated by upper-class elites and is totally unresponsive to the urgent need for change--are divided on the question of how to bring about change. Some prefer attempting to transform the outlook of those who run the system, by exerting pressure on them through the mass media, for example, and by reform of the educational system. Others favor more immediate and more drastic action, up to and including resort to violence and revolution (NPA,MILF,MNLF). The chagnes for a revolution in the Philippines in the 1970s will be discussed in the concluding section following a survey of the major elements involved in the nationalist movement and the issue that divide them.

The two potentially most important urban-centered sources of support for contemporary Philippine nationalism are the emerging class of industrial and commercial entrepreneurs (in terms of financial assistance) and the ranks of the organized labor (in terms of numerical support). Unfortunately for the nationalist cause, however, neither group has been particularly helpful in this regard, at least as the radical nationalists see things. Business and labor constitute the backbone of the pragmatic nationalist membership, but attentin will be foucsed here on the activities of the radicals--chiefly comprised of intellectuals and of students--who have had a far greater impact than the moderates of the nationalist movement.

Until the end of the 1940s, the Philippine economic elite was composed almost entirely of landlords and those whose wealth derived form the agricultural sector. By the 1950s, however, a new group of Filipino industrialists began to emerge, largely the result of the government's imposition of import and exchange controls in 1949. Among other things, this development encouraged the establishment of various processing and other industries. It also served to demonstrate to Filipino businessmen that, with adequate protection, they have the ability to engage in industrial development. By the time that import and exchange controls were removed in 1962, the ranks of the new entrepreneurs had grown considerably and most were able to survive the adverse effects of decontrol, though not without some difficulty.

Despite their increased numbers and financial strength, the new entrepreneurs have not played an important political role, chiefly because as the radical nationalists argue--they are not united on the question of wheter to ally themselves with the traditional Filipino elites and American business interests, or to side with the forces favoring social and political reform. Many of the new business elites oppose American economic imperialism, but at the same time have little regard for the Filipino masses. As a result, accoriding to the ideological nationalists, they are led to support the American military presence in the country if not only because this assures the protection of capitalism against any attempt to alter the status quo by forceful means. Other Filipino entrepreneurs who sympathize with the masses are prevented from acting on their beliefs by fear of losing their market and credit links with Filipino and American finances.

***to be continued***

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